Implementation Strategies for Social Change

Implementation Strategies for Social Change

Initiating political action moves beyond compiling a bibliography, analyzing the problem, and considering potential solutions. In particular, it focuses on strategies for implementing change. Implementing change requires an advocate of an issue campaign to formulate strategies for mapping the power, using media, building coalitions, lobbying activities, and building grassroots support.

This handout summarizes some of the suggestions contained in Barry R. Rubin's book, A Citizen's Guide to Politics in America: How the System Works and How to Work the System (1997).

Mapping the Power

Effective advocacy requires more than researching an issue and discovering appropriate solutions for the problem at hand. As Rubin argues, "Your next step is to decide how to accomplish your goal" (p. 24). To accomplish your goal, Rubin indicates that you must consider "who has the power to made the decision you want made, and who has the power to convince them to support you" (p. 24). Thus, "your task is to assess and map the power structure" (p. 24).

The first step in mapping the power is to figure out "where does the power lie" (p. 24)? In other words, you need to identify the critical elected official, legislative body, agency administrator, or regulatory board responsible for making decisions which influence the issue at hand.
Rubin provides an example on the local level of trying to covert an abandoned school facility into a homeless shelter. In mapping the power on this issue, he notes that one could consider the following questions: "Can the elected school board or the appointed school commissioner convert the school into a homeless shelter? Or does the mayor or the City Council have that power? What about the zoning board? Or some combination of each of those officials" (p. 24)? Thus, if your policy deals with a local issue, you need to identify the key officials, boards, or agencies which have the legal authority or a vested interest in the issue at hand. You also need to develop a strategy for getting these key players on board. How can you persuade them to support you? Rubin also suggests that you "must identify the key constituencies" who have the ability to influence the key players.
In dealing with issues on a national level, mapping the power becomes more complex. For instance, Rubin provides the example of antismoking advocates who want to implement measures designed to decrease tobacco consumption. For this issue, he notes that there are various opportunities available for implementing change, including the following:

Federal Legislation.Congress has the power to pass legislation for warning labels on cigarette packages, increasing federal excise taxes on cigarettes, and banning or restricting cigarette advertising.

Federal Rules and Administrative Decisions.Rubin notes that there are "numerous other potential targets for smoking control advocates" in addition to Congress (p. 44). The Federal Trade Commission has the power to regulate unfair advertising practices. The Environmental Protection Agency "could decide that . . . second-hand smoke (smoke inhaled by nonsmokers) is a dangerous carcinogen, leading to restrictions on smoking and tobacco use" (p. 44). The Occupational Safety and Health Administration "could prohibit smoking in the workplace because it creates health hazards" (p. 45). The National Cancer Institute and the National Institutes of Health can be targeted to "expand (and publicize) their research on the connection between smoking and health" (p. 45). In addition, the Surgeon General could be approached to "issue [more] reports and warnings about the dangers of smoking" (p. 45).

Federal (and State) Courts.Antismoking advocates have used the courts for holding tobacco companies responsible for the health hazards associated with smoking tobacco. State governments have also "sued tobacco companies" for the "reimbursement" of "state Medicaid funds expended on patients whose diseases were caused by using tobacco products" (p. 45).

State Legislation.Congress is not the only legislative body which can impose excise taxes on the sale of tobacco products. States also have the power to levy taxes on these products. In addition, states can pass laws banning smoking in public places.

Local Ordinances.Rubin further notes that "counties, cities, and even towns can restrict or eliminate smoking in public places" (p. 46). Moreover, "They can prohibit billboard advertising for tobacco products and even ban the sale of tobacco products through vending machines, which are likely to be used by underage smokers" (p. 46).

Local Administrative Action.At the local level, other opportunities exist to decrease tobacco consumption. As Rubin explains, "The local police could increase their enforcement of laws against cigarette sales to minors. Local school boards could aggressively prohibit smoking on school property and include nonsmoking education in public school curriculums" (p. 46).
On some issues, corporations and other institutions can be targeted as critical players. Advocates of social change can publish studies exposing the irresponsible behavior of corporations. Consumer advocates can organize boycotts against company products. Advocates can lobby other institutions, such as universities and state governments, urging them to divest themselves of stock holdings of offending corporations.

Using Media

People rely on mass media for information about issues. Media coverage of an issue from an advocate's perspective, however, does not happen automatically. Some suggestions for using the media include the following:

Attract the attention of an assignment editor or reporter through news stories designed to attract and interest readers or viewers. According to Rubin, "Good stories have the elements of good drama" (p. 109). Such stories include appeals based on injustice (i.e., the refusal of school officials to admit Ryan White, a young child with AIDS), irony (i.e., young children were equally able to identify "Joe Camel," the cartoon animal spokesperson for Camel cigarettes, and Mickey Mouse), milestone events (i.e., the 100th drug-related murder in a city), large numbers (i.e., thousands of people participating in a demonstration), celebrities (i.e., Elizabeth Taylor's campaign for AIDS research funding), conflict (i.e., the refusal of a small property owner to sell out to a powerful developer), and people (i.e., stories such as the Elian Gonzales case).
Advocates of change must take the initiative in gaining the attention of media or what Rubin calls "Ôhooking' a reporter" (p. 114). To succeed at this stage, advocates must identify the appropriate media outlet and adapt their message for the audience of that outlet. Advocates can also tag reporters who have written stories on similar issues. At this point, advocates must prepare what is known as a media kit. A media kit includes a news release (a concise account of a report or event), background information, fact sheets, biographies of spokespersons for the issue, and organizational contacts. It is also useful to "cultivate mutually beneficial professional relationships with reporters or editors," according to Rubin (p. 115). One other strategy involves staging events to attract media attention. Staging events can involve organizing protests, sit-ins, demonstrations, picketing, etc.
Advocates of change can try to publicize their cause on the editorial page. This strategy can involve submitting a draft editorial with background information to editorial boards, meeting with editorial boards, enlisting the support of syndicated columnists or local columnists, and writing letters to the editor. The latter tactic might draw the attention of an elected official because they often "read the letters to the editor to get a sense of the community's views" (p. 117).
Obviously, advocates of change can buy media time. Buying media time costs money. Advertising provides advocates with the advantage of "complete control over the content, tone, and placement of the ads," according to Rubin (p. 119). Sometimes, such advertising provokes news coverage. For instance, antitobacco advocates paid for full-page newspaper ads "asking President Bush's drug czar, William Bennett, to take a Ôdrug-free challenge' and quit his two-pack-a-day cigarette smoking habit" (p. 120). This advertising campaign prompted the New York Times and other newspapers to pick up the story and cover it for free.

Building Coalitions

Coalitions form the bedrock of many successful campaigns for social change. As Rubin indicates, candidates for public office often "construct electoral coalitions of voters to win an election day majority" (p. 131). Elected officials form coalitions with other officials to pass legislation. Public interest groups can also "enlist" the support of "other interest groups to build the necessary support for an issue campaign" (p. 132).

According to Rubin, "A coalition is an alliance . . . between organizations with differing agendas, working together for a common policy advocacy goal" (p. 132). Coalitions have been used successfully in the past by civil rights groups and environmental organizations. They have also been used to block nominees to the Supreme Court.
There are many drawbacks to coalitions that should be kept in mind. As Rubin notes, they "can be slow and cumbersome," "group rivalries can erupt," "hard feelings can fester and grow," and they are "at the mercy of their members" who provide "their only resources--people and money" (p. 134).
But there are important advantages to forming coalitions with other interest groups. They can "achieve public policy goals" that could not be realized by groups working alone (p. 137). They "multiply the amount and kind of resources and expertise available to interest groups" (p. 137). By working together, "coalition partners can contribute different resources: research and policy expertise, money, grassroots power, different values, media expertise, and lobbying skills, among others" (p. 137).
Coalitions are established through "personal contacts between a key individual in one organization and his or her counterpart in another organization" (p. 139). Over time, some organizations become "accustomed to working together on common issues" (p. 139).
The most successful coalitions draw upon an array of interest groups. Such coalitions "represent" such "a broad range of interests that the public and decision makers cannot ignore" them (p. 139). This is "why environmental groups supporting the continuation of the Endangered Species Act joined in a coalition with religious groups concerned with preserving all of God's creations" as well as with "poor communities fighting pollution, and excessive commercialism and consumption" (p. 139).
Strategies have been suggested for making coalitions more effective. Some of these strategies include (1) clearly stating the objectives of the coalition, (2) only including those organization which are committed to the objectives of the coalition, (3) allowing more radical groups to work "outside [of] the formal coalition structure and informally coordinating their activities with the coalition," (4) forming a small group of leaders who will coordinate the work of the coalition, (5) starting out with "a manageable first task . . . with minimal risk," and (6) articulating who is responsible for doing what (pp. 145-47).

Lobbying for Social Change

Although lobbying is often associated with some of the more unsavory aspects of politics, it is widely recognized as a part of America's political process. Indeed, businesses, consumer groups, public interest groups, and concerned citizens not only lobby local, state, and federal legislators, but also executive and administrative branches of government. The work of a lobbyist involves more than just walking the halls of Congress. They also attempt to shape the course of legislation or regulations by engaging in other activities. Some of these activities include the following:

Lobbyists monitor government activities by finding out when administrative rules are proposed, when bills are introduced, and when hearings are held. They also research the initial opinions of legislators and government policymakers. Through monitoring, "lobbyists can establish an Ôearly warning system' to identify potential policy actions before they are set in stone and while the lobbyist's influence can still shape the decision" (p. 152). On the national level, monitoring the federal government requires the lobbyist to read the Congressional Record and the Federal Registrar. Commercial publications such as Inside EPA and FTC Watch also provide the lobbyist with critical information about specific agencies.
Effective lobbying requires the identification of key "people behind the government" (p. 153). A lobbyist must know the employees of government agencies and legislators. These people operate behind the scene but are often involved in drafting regulations and bills.
Lobbyists monitor the media, focusing on whether issues are being covered and how they are covered by the press. They look for opportunities to lobby for their issue based on the media climate.
Lobbyists also monitor public opinion by conducting surveys and polls. They can also conduct research for locating published opinion data.

Grassroots Mobilization

Grassroots mobilization emphasizes power outside of Washington. Such mobilization depends on garnering "the support of the people," or what Rubin calls "the grassroots" (p. 182). While legislators sometimes "Ôvote their conscience,' they cannot stray too far from the electorate lest they be voted out of office by a disenchanted public at the next election" (p. 183). So how can an interest group mobilize the public?

Mobilization of the public requires that the public be informed. As Rubin indicates, they "want and need to know why they should be involved in making change" (p. 189). Thus, an advocacy group must provide the grassroots with information.
Information can be communicated via newsletters or magazines. In addition, "Ôaction alerts' . . . disseminated by mail, phone, fax, e-mail, satellite conferences, or even in person at meetings and conferences" can be used to mobilize the public (p. 190). An action alert "[combines] a sense of urgency . . . with a description of what is at stake" (p. 190). An action alert also specifies what action to take and identifies the target of the action--the decision maker who should be contacted. With the advent of the Internet and e-mail, the cost associated with launching an action alert has been reduced.
Successful grassroots campaigns also focus on "the Ôgrass tops': especially persuasive or powerful people who have a special relationship with, or power over, decision makers" (pp. 194-95). Grass tops "include campaign contributors; business, community or interest-group leaders; local or state legislators; or academic or other experts" (p. 195). For this strategy to succeed, the advocacy group must know who these people are and what might motivate them to act.
Grassroots campaigns rely on other traditional local campaign strategies: posting flyers, passing out literature door-to-door, speaking before local community groups, holding rallies, writing letters to local newspapers, holding neighborhood meetings, inviting experts to speak at public meetings, etc.
Advertising is a logical next step for grassroots campaigns. Such advertising involves "a range of media including billboards, radio, television, newspapers, and magazines," according to Rubin (p. 202). These advertisements call upon the public to take action consistent with the goal of the campaign. Obviously, such advertising will cost money. Consequently, fund raising is necessary before launching the campaign.